Forty-eight years ago today, United States President Lyndon Johnson made
his State of The Union Speech to the Congress of the United States on the 4th January 1965. Apart from a few
unfortunate references to the bugbear of ‘communism’, it is the speech in which
he referred to the idea of creating a Great Society. It is not at all a bad
speech, and as a catalogue of the aspirations and dreams of a society made up
of such disparate groups of people as made up the United States in 1965 (and
now makes up most western democracies) it is quite a list. One might even
suggest that, with a few alterations (in particular in relation to the economy), it could be repeated by President Obama as
unfinished business. The speech is most certainly worth a read, and can be
heard in full at:
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, members of the Congress,
my fellow Americans:
On this Hill which was my home, I am stirred by old
friendships.
Though total agreement between the executive and the Congress is
impossible, total respect is important.
I am proud to be among my colleagues
of the Congress whose legacy to their trust is their loyalty to their nation.
I am not unaware of the inner emotions of the new members of this body
tonight.
Twenty-eight years ago, I felt as you do now. You will soon learn
that you are among men whose first love is their country, men who try each day
to do as best they can what they believe is right.
We are entering the third
century of the pursuit of American union.
Two hundred years ago, in 1765,
nine assembled colonies first joined together to demand freedom from arbitrary
power.
For the first century we struggled to hold together the first
continental union of democracy in the history of man. One hundred years ago, in
1865, following a terrible test of blood and fire, the compact of union was
finally sealed.
For a second century we labored to establish a unity of
purpose and interest among the many groups which make up the American
community.
That struggle has often brought pain and violence. It is not yet over.
But we have achieved a unity of interest among our people that is unmatched in
the history of freedom.
And so tonight, now, in 1965, we begin a new quest
for union. We seek the unity of man with the world that he has built—with the
knowledge that can save or destroy him—with the cities which can stimulate or
stifle him—with the wealth and the machines which can enrich or menace his
spirit.
We seek to establish a harmony between man and society which will
allow each of us to enlarge the meaning of his life and all of us to elevate
the quality of our civilization. This is the search that we begin tonight.
But the unity we seek cannot realize its full promise in isolation. For today
the state of the Union depends, in large measure, upon the state of the world.
Our concern and interest, compassion and vigilance, extend to every corner of
a dwindling planet.
Yet, it is not merely our concern but the concern of all
free men. We will not, and we should not, assume that it is the task of
Americans alone to settle all the conflicts of a torn and troubled world.
Let
the foes of freedom take no comfort from this. For in concert with other
nations, we shall help men defend their freedom.
Our first aim remains the
safety and the well-being of our own country.
We are prepared to live as good
neighbors with all, but we cannot be indifferent to acts designed to injure our
interests, or our citizens, or our establishments abroad. The community of
nations requires mutual respect. We shall extend it—and we shall expect it.
In our relations with the world we shall follow the example of Andrew Jackson
who said: "I intend to ask for nothing that is not clearly right and to
submit to nothing that is wrong." And he promised, that "the honor of
my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the statement of
truth or for the performance of duty." That was this nation's policy in
the 1830s and that is this nation's policy in the 1960s.
Our own freedom and
growth have never been the final goal of the American dream.
We were never
meant to be an oasis of liberty and abundance in a worldwide desert of
disappointed dreams. Our nation was created to help strike away the chains of
ignorance and misery and tyranny wherever they keep man less than God means him
to be.
We are moving toward that destiny, never more rapidly than we have
moved in the last four years.
In this period we have built a military power
strong enough to meet any threat and destroy any adversary. And that
superiority will continue to grow so long as this office is mine—and you sit on
Capitol Hill.
In this period no new nation has become Communist, and the
unity of the Communist empire has begun to crumble.
In this period we have
resolved in friendship our disputes with our neighbors of the hemisphere, and
joined in an Alliance for Progress toward economic growth and political
democracy.
In this period we have taken more steps toward peace—including the
test ban treaty—than at any time since the Cold War began.
In this period we
have relentlessly pursued our advances toward the conquest of space.
Most
important of all, in this period, the United States has reemerged into the
fullness of its self-confidence and purpose. No longer are we called upon to
get America moving. We are moving. No longer do we doubt our strength or
resolution. We are strong and we have proven our resolve.
No longer can
anyone wonder whether we are in the grip of historical decay. We know that
history is ours to make. And if there is great danger, there is now also the
excitement of great expectations.
Yet we still live in a troubled and
perilous world. There is no longer a single threat. There are many. They differ
in intensity and in danger. They require different attitudes and different
answers.
With the Soviet Union we seek peaceful understandings that can
lessen the danger to freedom.
Last fall I asked the American people to choose
that course. I will carry forward their command.
If we are to live together
in peace, we must come to know each other better.
I am sure that the American
people would welcome a chance to listen to the Soviet leaders on our
television—as I would like the Soviet people to hear our leaders on theirs.
I
hope the new Soviet leaders can visit America so they can learn about our
country at firsthand.
In Eastern Europe restless nations are slowly beginning
to assert their identity. Your government, assisted by the leaders in American
labor and business, is now exploring ways to increase peaceful trade with these
countries and with the Soviet Union. I will report our conclusions to the
Congress.
In Asia, communism wears a more aggressive face. We see that in
Vietnam. Why are we there?
We are there, first, because a friendly nation has
asked us for help against the Communist aggression. Ten years ago our President
pledged our help. Three Presidents have supported that pledge. We will not
break it now.
Second, our own security is tied to the peace of Asia. Twice in
one generation we have had to fight against aggression in the Far East. To
ignore aggression now would only increase the danger of a much larger war.
Our goal is peace in Southeast Asia. That will come only when aggressors
leave their neighbors in peace.
What is at stake is the cause of freedom and
in that cause America will never be found wanting.
But Communism is not the
only source of trouble and unrest. There are older and deeper sources—in the
misery of nations and in man's irrepressible ambition for liberty and a better
life.
With the free Republics of Latin America I have always felt—and my
country has always felt—very special ties of interest and affection. It will be
the purpose of my administration to strengthen these ties. Together we share
and shape the destiny of the new world. In the coming year I hope to pay a
visit to Latin America. And I will steadily enlarge our commitment to the
Alliance for Progress as the instrument of our war against poverty and
injustice in this hemisphere.
In the Atlantic community we continue to pursue
our goal of 20 years—a Europe that is growing in strength, unity, and
cooperation with America. A great unfinished task is the reunification of
Germany through self-determination.
This European policy is not based on any
abstract design. It is based on the realities of common interests and common
values, common dangers and common expectations. These realities will continue
to have their way—especially, I think, in our expanding trade and especially in
our common defense.
Free Americans have shaped the policies of the United
States. And because we know these realities, those policies have been, and will
be, in the interest of Europe.
Free Europeans must shape the course of
Europe. And, for the same reasons, that course has been, and will be, in our
interest and in the interest of freedom.
I found this truth confirmed in my
talks with European leaders in the last year. I hope to repay these visits to
some of our friends in Europe this year.
In Africa and Asia we are witnessing
the turbulent unfolding of new nations and continents.
We welcome them to the
society of nations.
We are committed to help those seeking to strengthen
their own independence, and to work most closely with those governments
dedicated to the welfare of all of their people.
We seek not fidelity to an
iron faith, but a diversity of belief as varied as man himself. We seek not to
extend the power of America but the progress of humanity. We seek not to
dominate others but to strengthen the freedom of all people.
I will seek new
ways to use our knowledge to help deal with the explosion in world population
and the growing scarcity in world resources.
Finally, we renew our commitment
to the continued growth and the effectiveness of the United Nations. The
frustrations of the United Nations are a product of the world that we live in,
and not of the institution which gives them voice. It is far better to throw
these differences open to the assembly of nations than to permit them to fester
in silent danger.
These are some of the goals of the American nation in the
world in which we live.
For ourselves we seek neither praise nor blame,
neither gratitude nor obedience.
We seek peace.
We seek freedom.
We seek
to enrich the life of man.
For that is the world in which we will flourish
and that is the world that we mean for all men to ultimately have.
World
affairs will continue to call upon our energy and our courage.
But today we
can turn increased attention to the character of American life.
We are in the
midst of the greatest upward surge of economic well-being in the history of any
nation.
Our flourishing progress has been marked by price stability that is
unequalled in the world. Our balance of payments deficit has declined and the
soundness of our dollar is unquestioned. I pledge to keep it that way and I
urge business and labor to cooperate to that end.
We worked for two centuries to climb this peak of
prosperity. But we are only at the beginning of the road to the Great Society.
Ahead now is a summit where freedom from the wants of
the body can help fulfill the needs of the spirit.
We built this nation to
serve its people.
We want to grow and build and create, but we want progress
to be the servant and not the master of man.
We do not intend to live in the
midst of abundance, isolated from neighbors and nature, confined by blighted
cities and bleak suburbs, stunted by a poverty of learning and an emptiness of
leisure.
The Great Society asks not how much, but how good; not
only how to create wealth but how to use it; not only how fast we are going,
but where we are headed.
It proposes as the first test for a nation: the
quality of its people.
This kind of society will not flower spontaneously
from swelling riches and surging power.
It will not be the gift of government
or the creation of Presidents. It will require of every American, for many
generations, both faith in the destination and the fortitude to make the
journey.
And like freedom itself, it will always be challenge and not
fulfillment. And tonight we accept that challenge.
I propose that we begin a program in education to
ensure every American child the fullest development of his mind and skills.
I propose that we begin a massive attack on crippling
and killing diseases.
I propose that we launch a national effort to make
the American city a better and a more stimulating place to live.
I propose that we increase the beauty of America and
end the poisoning of our rivers and the air that we breathe.
I propose that we carry out a new program to develop
regions of our country that are now suffering from distress and depression.
I propose that we make new efforts to control and
prevent crime and delinquency.
I propose that we eliminate every remaining obstacle
to the right and the opportunity to vote.
I propose that we honor and support the achievements
of thought and the creations of art.
I propose that we make an all-out campaign against
waste and inefficiency.
Our basic task is threefold:
First, to keep our
economy growing;
—to open for all Americans the opportunity that is now
enjoyed by most Americans;
—and to improve the quality of life for all.
In the next six weeks I will submit special messages
with detailed proposals for national action in each of these areas.
Tonight I
would like just briefly to explain some of my major recommendations in the
three main areas of national need.
First, we must keep our nation prosperous.
We seek full employment opportunity for every American citizen. I will present
a budget designed to move the economy forward. More money will be left in the
hands of the consumer by a substantial cut in excise taxes. We will continue
along the path toward a balanced budget in a balanced economy.
I confidently predict—what every economic sign tells
us tonight—the continued flourishing of the American economy.
But we must
remember that fear of a recession can contribute to the fact of a recession.
The knowledge that our government will, and can, move swiftly will strengthen
the confidence of investors and business.
Congress can reinforce this confidence by insuring
that its procedures permit rapid action on temporary income tax cuts. And
special funds for job-creating public programs should be made available for immediate
use if recession threatens.
Our continued prosperity demands continued price
stability. Business, labor, and the consumer all have a high stake in keeping
wages and prices within the framework of the guideposts that have already
served the nation so well.
Finding new markets abroad for our goods depends
on the initiative of American business. But we stand ready—with credit and
other help—to assist the flow of trade which will benefit the entire nation.
Our economy owes much to the efficiency of our farmers. We must continue to
assure them the opportunity to earn a fair reward. I have instructed the
Secretary of Agriculture to lead a major effort to find new approaches to
reduce the heavy cost of our farm programs and to direct more of our effort to
the small farmer who needs the help the most.
We can help insure continued
prosperity through:
—a regional recovery program to assist the development of
stricken areas left behind by our national progress;
—further efforts to
provide our workers with the skills demanded by modern technology, for the
laboring-man is an indispensable force in the American system;
—the extension
of the minimum wage to more than two million unprotected workers;
—the
improvement and the modernization of the unemployment compensation system.
And as pledged in our 1960 and 1964 Democratic platforms, I will propose to
Congress changes in the Taft-Hartley Act including section 14(b). I will do so
hoping to reduce the conflicts that for several years have divided Americans in
various States of our Union.
In a country that spans a continent modern
transportation is vital to continued growth.
I will recommend heavier
reliance on competition in transportation and a new policy for our merchant
marine.
I will ask for funds to study high-speed rail transportation between
urban centers. We will begin with test projects between Washington and Boston.
On high-speed trains, passengers could travel this distance in less than four
hours.
Second, we must open opportunity to all our people.
Most Americans
enjoy a good life. But far too many are still trapped in poverty and idleness
and fear.
Let a just nation throw open to them the city of
promise:
—to the elderly, by providing hospital care under
social security and by raising benefit payments to those struggling to maintain
the dignity of their later years;
—to the poor and the unfortunate, through doubling
the war against poverty this year;
—to Negro Americans, through enforcement of the civil
rights law and elimination of barriers to the right to vote;
—to those in other lands that are seeking the
promise of America, through an immigration law based on the work a man can do
and not where he was born or how he spells his name.
Our third goal is to improve the quality of American
life. We begin with learning.
Every child must have the best education that
this nation can provide.
Thomas Jefferson said that no nation can be both
ignorant and free. Today no nation can be both ignorant and great.
In addition to our existing programs, I will recommend
a new program for schools and students with a first-year authorization of
$1,500 million.
It will help at every stage along the road to learning.
For
the preschool years we will help needy children become aware of the excitement
of learning.
For the primary and secondary school years we will aid public
schools serving low-income families and assist students in both public and
private schools.
For the college years we will provide scholarships to high school
students of the greatest promise and the greatest need and we will guarantee
low-interest loans to students continuing their college studies.
New
laboratories and centers will help our schools—help them lift their standards
of excellence and explore new methods of teaching. These centers will provide
special training for those who need and those who deserve special treatment.
Greatness requires not only an educated people but a
healthy people.
Our goal is to match the achievements of our medicine
to the afflictions of our people.
We already carry on a large program in this
country, for research and health.
In addition, regional medical centers can
provide the most advanced diagnosis and treatment for heart disease and cancer
and stroke and other major diseases.
New support for medical and dental
education will provide the trained people to apply our knowledge.
Community
centers can help the mentally ill and improve health care for school-age
children from poor families, including services for the mentally retarded.
An
educated and healthy people require surroundings in harmony with their hopes.
In our urban areas the central problem today is to protect and restore man's
satisfaction in belonging to a community where he can find security and
significance.
The first step is to break old patterns—to begin to think and
work and plan for the development of the entire metropolitan areas. We will
take this step with new programs of help for the basic community facilities and
for neighborhood centers of health and recreation.
New and existing programs will be open to those cities
which work together to develop unified long-range policies for metropolitan
areas.
We must also make some very important changes in our housing programs
if we are to pursue these same basic goals.
So a Department of Housing and
Urban Development will be needed to spearhead this effort in our cities.
Every citizen has the right to feel secure in his home and on the streets of
his community.
To help control crime, we will recommend programs:
—to train local law enforcement officers;
—to put the best techniques of modern science at their
disposal;
—to discover the causes of crime and better ways to
prevent it.
I will soon assemble a panel of outstanding experts of this
nation to search out answers to the national problem of crime and delinquency,
and I welcome the recommendations and the constructive efforts of the Congress.
For over three centuries the beauty of America has
sustained our spirit and has enlarged our vision. We must act now to protect
this heritage. In a fruitful new partnership with the states and the cities the
next decade should be a conservation milestone. We must make a massive effort
to save the countryside and to establish—as a green legacy for tomorrow—more
large and small parks, more seashores and open spaces than have been created
during any other period in our national history.
A new and substantial effort must be made to landscape
highways to provide places of relaxation and recreation wherever our roads run,
Within our cities imaginative programs are needed to landscape streets and to
transform open areas into places of beauty and recreation.
We will seek legal
power to prevent pollution of our air and water before it happens. We will step
up our effort to control harmful wastes, giving first priority to the cleanup
of our most contaminated rivers. We will increase research to learn much more
about the control of pollution.
We hope to make the Potomac a model of beauty
here in the capital, and preserve unspoiled stretches of some of our waterways
with a Wild Rivers bill.
More ideas for a beautiful America will emerge from
a White House Conference on Natural Beauty which I will soon call.
We must also recognize and encourage those who can
be pathfinders for the nation's imagination and understanding.
To help
promote and honor creative achievements, I will propose a National Foundation
on the Arts.
To develop knowledge which will enrich our lives and
ensure our progress, I will recommend programs to encourage basic science,
particularly in the universities—and to bring closer the day when the oceans
will supply our growing need for fresh water.
For government to serve these goals it must be modern
in structure, efficient in action, and ready for any emergency.
I am busy,
currently, reviewing the structure of the entire executive branch of this
government. I hope to reshape it and to reorganize it to meet more effectively
the tasks of the 20th century.
Wherever waste is found, I will eliminate it.
Last
year we saved almost $3,500 million by eliminating waste in the national
government.
And I intend to do better this year.
And very soon I will
report to you on our progress and on new economies that your government plans
to make.
Even the best of government is subject to the worst of hazards.
I will propose laws to insure the necessary continuity
of leadership should the President become disabled or die.
In addition, I
will propose reforms in the Electoral College—leaving undisturbed the vote by
states—but making sure that no elector can substitute his will for that of the
people.
Last year, in a sad moment, I came here and I spoke to
you after 33 years of public service, practically all of them here on this
Hill.
This year I speak after one year as President of the United States.
Many of you in this chamber are among my oldest friends. We have shared many
happy moments and many hours of work, and we have watched many Presidents
together.
Yet, only in the White House can you finally know the
full weight of this Office.
The greatest burden is not running the huge
operations of government—or meeting daily troubles, large and small—or even
working with the Congress.
A President's hardest task is not to do what is
right, but to know what is right.
Yet the Presidency brings no special gift
of prophecy or foresight. You take an oath, you step into an office, and you
must then help guide a great democracy.
The answer was waiting for me in the
land where I was born.
It was once barren land. The angular hills were
covered with scrub cedar and a few large live oaks. Little would grow in that
harsh caliche soil of my country. And each spring the Pedernales River would
flood our valley.
But men came and they worked and they endured and they
built.
And tonight that country is abundant; abundant with fruit and cattle
and goats and sheep, and there are pleasant homes and lakes and the floods are
gone.
Why did men come to that once forbidding land?
Well, they were
restless, of course, and they had to be moving on. But there was more than
that. There was a dream—a dream of a place where a free man could build for
himself, and raise his children to a better life—a dream of a continent to be
conquered, a world to be won, a nation to be made.
Remembering this, I knew the answer.
A President
does not shape a new and personal vision of America.
He collects it from the
scattered hopes of the American past.
It existed when the first settlers saw the
coast of a new world, and when the first pioneers moved westward.
It has
guided us every step of the way.
It sustains every President. But it is also
your inheritance and it belongs equally to all the people that we all serve.
It must be interpreted anew by each generation for its own needs; as I have
tried, in part, to do tonight.
It shall lead us as we enter the third century
of the search for "a more perfect union?
This, then, is the state of the
Union: Free and restless, growing and full of hope.
So it was in the beginning.
So it shall always be, while God is
willing, and we are strong enough to keep the faith.
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